History of Taekwondo

Roots in Korean Antiquity and Martial Traditions

Tribal Warfare and Indigenous Martial Practices

Long before the word Taekwondo was coined, ancient Korea nurtured a variety of indigenous martial practices rooted in its tribal past. In the early kingdoms of the Korean Peninsula—Gojoseon (c. 2333 BCE–108 BCE) and subsequent states like Buyeo, Okjeo, and Dongye—physical training was tightly linked to survival, military readiness, and community identity.

• Hand-to-hand combat and ritual wrestling (like ssireum) played both practical and ceremonial roles.
• Archaeological finds from Goguryeo tomb murals (notably the Muyongchong tomb) suggest combative arts were well-established by the 4th century CE, showing scenes of bare-handed sparring and structured stances.
• These early traditions, though not formally codified, reflected a warrior culture where agility, balance, and strikes were already foundational.

While the term Taekwondo did not yet exist, the movements, values, and cultural emphasis on discipline can be traced back to these prehistoric and tribal legacies.

Hwarang and the Role of Elite Martial Youth

One of the most formative elements in Korean martial history was the Hwarang—an elite youth corps from the Silla kingdom (57 BCE–935 CE). The Hwarang were not merely warriors; they were cultivated as moral and strategic leaders trained in philosophy, poetry, swordsmanship, and unarmed combat.

• Their physical regimen included subak (a martial system that featured strikes and grappling), archery, horseback riding, and mountain climbing.
• They followed the “Five Secular Precepts” taught by the Buddhist monk Won Gwang, emphasizing loyalty, filial piety, trustworthiness, valor, and justice.
• Their military achievements, notably in aiding Silla’s unification of the Korean Peninsula, gave the Hwarang martial code lasting mythological and historical significance.

While some aspects of the Hwarang have been idealized in modern nationalist narratives, their documented influence on martial training and youth formation is critical to Taekwondo’s early ideological lineage.

Buddhist and Confucian Influences on Martial Values

The spread of Buddhism from China via the Three Kingdoms Period (Goguryeo, Baekje, Silla) introduced more than religious doctrine—it also transformed martial values. A distinct philosophical underpinning began to accompany physical training:

• Zen-like meditation practices, adopted from Chan Buddhism, were integrated into martial regimens for mental clarity and control.
• Confucian hierarchy and discipline became crucial in training environments, reinforcing respect toward instructors and elders—values still dominant in dojang culture today.
• Martial practice was increasingly viewed as a means of self-cultivation, not mere warfare.

This early blend of spiritual, ethical, and physical development would deeply embed itself into what would become the moral foundation of Taekwondo.

Regional Martial Systems and Foreign Influence

Subak, Taekkyeon, and Early Korean Combat Forms

The combat systems that directly preceded modern Taekwondo were Subak and Taekkyeon, two martial disciplines often confused or conflated in later historiography.

• Subak was a general term for military combat, with roots in both battlefield tactics and civilian contests. It was widely practiced during the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392) and included striking techniques, pushing, and joint control.
• Taekkyeon emerged later in the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1897) and was characterized by flowing, rhythmic footwork, sweeping kicks, and circular motions.
• Unlike Subak’s more formal military use, Taekkyeon became a folk art, seen in village competitions and cultural festivals.

While both faded during the late Joseon era due to Confucian suppression of martial displays among civilians, they laid the technical groundwork for post-occupation martial revivalism.

Suppression and Transformation under the Joseon Dynasty

During the long and conservative Joseon period, Confucian scholarship overtook the military aristocracy in prestige. Martial practice was seen as uncivilized and, in many cases, discouraged or relegated to ceremonial use.

• Official martial manuals, such as the Muye Dobo Tongji (1790), compiled knowledge of 24 weapon-based and unarmed arts, preserving otherwise vanishing knowledge.
• The arts of Subak and Taekkyeon retreated into marginalized folk customs.
• Despite decline, some village schools and hereditary warrior families preserved aspects of these traditions.

This period marks a critical rupture, not of disappearance but of internalization—where combat arts moved from public discipline to hidden legacy, awaiting reactivation in modern times.

Japanese Occupation and the Martial Vacuum

The Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 had a profound and destructive impact on Korean martial heritage. Under colonial rule, Korean cultural expressions were suppressed, and martial practices were either banned or replaced with Japanese systems.

• Karate and Judo were taught in Japanese schools, often becoming the only accessible martial arts for Koreans.
• Taekkyeon and Subak went underground or were reframed as traditional games to avoid prosecution.
• Many young Koreans—especially those who studied abroad or served in the Japanese military—received formal training in Karate, Kendo, and Judo, which they would later reinterpret through a Korean lens.

This cultural suppression paradoxically contributed to the technical and pedagogical infusion that later gave Taekwondo its hybrid nature—a Korean resurgence framed partly through imported technique but rooted in native aspiration.

The Post-Liberation Martial Arts Renaissance

Reclaiming Korean Identity Through Martial Arts

After Korea’s liberation from Japanese occupation in 1945, a cultural vacuum emerged—alongside a hunger to reclaim lost traditions. Many Koreans who had studied Japanese martial arts during the occupation now sought to reassert a distinct Korean identity, blending what they had learned with nationalist sentiment.

• Martial arts became a medium of cultural revival and personal empowerment.
• Practitioners with experience in Karate, Judo, and Kendo began teaching hybrid systems, sometimes under Koreanized names.
• Key figures emerged with differing philosophies, visions, and lineages.

This era marked the beginning of institutional competition: who would define Korean martial arts, and how?

The Founding of the Original Kwans

Between 1945 and 1955, several martial arts schools—known as Kwans—were established, each with its own interpretation of Korean martial philosophy. Most founders were either former Karate practitioners or military-trained individuals, many of whom studied in Japan or Manchuria.

The original five Kwans were:

These schools taught similar core techniques—strikes, blocks, forms (hyung), and sparring—but diverged in emphasis, philosophy, and lineage.

Over time, additional Kwans emerged, such as Han Moo Kwan and Oh Do Kwan, further diversifying the martial landscape.

Technical Blending and Philosophical Divergence

While most Kwans had shared Japanese or Chinese foundations, each began to assert a unique identity. This led to divergent interpretations of technique, terminology, uniforms, and pedagogy.

• Chung Do Kwan leaned heavily into Shotokan influences, emphasizing linear power and discipline.
• Moo Duk Kwan began incorporating more circular and fluid elements, partly inspired by Chinese martial principles.
• Oh Do Kwan, formed by General Choi Hong-hi within the military, emphasized martial realism and national service.

The lack of standardized naming and forms led to growing friction—and eventual movements toward unification and formalization.

Naming the Art and Centralizing Instruction

General Choi and the Birth of “Taekwondo”

In 1955, a pivotal moment occurred: under the leadership of General Choi Hong-hi, a committee of martial experts convened to choose a name that would unify the various Kwans under a national identity.

• The term Taekwondo was selected, blending Tae (foot), Kwon (fist), and Do (way), reflecting a uniquely Korean path.
• Choi, a founding figure of Oh Do Kwan, began promoting Taekwondo as both a military training system and a national martial art.
• His influence led to Taekwondo’s adoption in the South Korean military, especially through the ROK Army’s martial training programs.

Though initially controversial among traditionalists, the term gained legitimacy through state support and military institutionalization.

Creation of the Korea Taekwondo Association (KTA)

To consolidate the disparate Kwans and provide governance, the Korea Taekwondo Association (KTA) was founded in 1961, with government backing. Its purpose was to:

• Standardize forms (poomsae), terminology, and ranks.
• Certify instructors and unify dojangs under a central body.
• Promote Taekwondo as a tool for national development.

The KTA also coordinated military training programs, working closely with the Ministry of Defense and Education. Through these efforts, Taekwondo began evolving from a loose collection of schools into a coherent system of instruction.

Rise of Dojang Culture and Pedagogical Systems

As Taekwondo spread beyond elite circles into civilian life, the dojang (training hall) became central to community martial education.

• Structured curriculum emerged: white to black belt progression, standardized techniques, and ceremonial etiquette.
• Emphasis was placed on discipline, hierarchy, and philosophical instruction, echoing both Confucian and military values.
• Instructor certification became a mark of professionalism, controlled by the KTA and related bodies.

This pedagogical structure allowed Taekwondo to become scalable, exportable, and consistent across regions.

International Spread and Organizational Power Shifts

Exporting the Art: Masters, Military, and Migration

The global journey of Taekwondo accelerated after the Korean War (1950–1953), during which South Korean military instructors introduced the art to allied foreign troops. Veterans returning home often carried with them the fundamentals of this new martial system.

From the 1960s onward, Korean masters were actively dispatched abroad—often with government or association backing—to establish Taekwondo schools in:

• United States and Canada: early strongholds through military ties and Korean-American migration
• Europe: with rapid adoption in Germany, France, and Italy through cultural exchange and sport federations
• Southeast Asia, Africa, and Latin America: as part of Korean diplomatic outreach and cultural missions

These instructors became ambassadors of Korean identity, but also entrepreneurs, adapting their teaching to local contexts and sparking localized variations.

Founding of the World Taekwondo Federation and Olympic Inclusion

A turning point in Taekwondo’s international legitimacy came with the creation of the World Taekwondo Federation (WTF) in 1973, later renamed World Taekwondo (WT).

• Headquartered at the newly built Kukkiwon (Taekwondo Headquarters) in Seoul, this federation prioritized the standardization of forms (poomsae) and competition rules.
• The first World Taekwondo Championships were held in the same year, signaling a global shift toward sport-based structure.
• Taekwondo debuted as a demonstration sport in the 1988 Seoul Olympics, and became a full Olympic sport by 2000, enhancing visibility and institutional prestige.

However, the rapid rise of WT led to tensions with other schools and organizations that felt excluded or misrepresented.

Parallel Lineages: ITF, Splinters, and Diverging Visions

Not all accepted WT’s dominance. General Choi Hong-hi, who had coined the term Taekwondo, had by then formed the International Taekwon-Do Federation (ITF) in 1966—separate from Korean state sponsorship.

• The ITF maintained more traditional patterns (tuls), distinct terminology, and emphasis on military-style discipline.
• After Choi’s political fallout with South Korea, the ITF relocated to Vienna, Austria, and later fractured into multiple factions.
• Other offshoots emerged, such as ATA (American Taekwondo Association) and GTF (Global Taekwon-Do Federation), each offering alternative visions of the art.

These parallel developments created a pluralistic global environment, where no single authority could fully define Taekwondo’s essence.

Modern Identity, Cultural Tensions, and Digital Transformation

Tradition vs. Commercialization in the Dojang

With its global reach came increased pressure to standardize, package, and sell Taekwondo to a mass audience. While this allowed widespread access, it also led to:

• Commercial dojangs offering rapid black belt programs, sometimes diluting depth for scalability.
• Debates over belt inflation, testing fees, and competitive focus.
• Concerns from traditionalists who feared the loss of martial values and cultural roots.

Yet some schools responded with efforts to revive classical poomsae, philosophical instruction, and etiquette, often branding themselves as “traditional Taekwondo” to stand apart from sport-centric programs.

Cultural Diplomacy and the Korean Wave

Taekwondo became a pillar of Korea’s cultural diplomacy, promoted alongside K-pop, Korean cinema, and cuisine. This “soft power” strategy led to:

• Government-funded programs like the Taekwondo Peace Corps, which sent instructors to developing countries.
• Inclusion of Taekwondo in school curricula, especially in parts of Africa and South America.
• Institutional support through Kukkiwon instructor certifications, global seminars, and cultural exchange missions.

This alignment with the Korean Wave (Hallyu) helped root Taekwondo not just as a sport, but as a symbol of national identity and international friendship.

The Digital Dojang: Online Training and Global Access

The 21st century brought a transformation in how Taekwondo is taught, learned, and experienced. With the rise of internet platforms, video instruction, and global forums, traditional barriers began to fall.

• Online dojangs emerged, offering virtual belt testing, video analysis, and global mentorship.
• Digital archives and streaming platforms allowed practitioners to study historical forms, compare federations, and engage across continents.
• The COVID-19 pandemic further accelerated remote training, normalizing hybrid approaches that blend tradition with technology.

While digital access democratized training, it also raised questions about legitimacy, rank validation, and the loss of personal lineage transmission.